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UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


EDUCATION  AND  FECUNDITY 


BY 
NELLIE  SEEDS  NEARING 


ABSTRACT  OF  THESIS 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL  IN 

PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 

THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


REPRINT  FROM  PUBLICATION  OF  AMERICAN 

STATISTICAL  ASSOCIATION 

JUNE,  1914 


CHAUTAUQUA  PRINT  SHOP 

CHAUTAUQUA,  N.  Y. 

1917 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


EDUCATION  AND  FECUNDITY 


BY 
NELLIE  SEEDS  NEARING 


ABSTRACT  OF  THESIS 

PRESEN  FED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  THE  GRADUATK  SCHOOL  IN 

PARTIAL  FULFILLMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 

THF.  DKOREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


REPRINT  FROM  PUBLICATION  OF  AMERICAN 

STATISTICAL  ASSOCIATION 

JUNE,  1914 


CHAUTAUQUA  PRINT  SHOP 

CHAUTAUQUA,  N.  Y. 

1917 


EDUCATION  AND  FECUNDITY. 

BY    NELLIE    SEEDS    NEARING. 


I.     The  Increase  in  the  Higher  Education  of  Women. 

In  the  effort  to  analyze  a  popular  prejudice  or  fallacy,  an  ade- 
quate investigation  of  facts  is  usually  sufificient  to  reveal  the 
origin  of  such  prejudice  in  previously  existing  conditions  which 
have  altered  so  gradually  with  time,  that  society  as  a  whole  has 
hardly  yet  become  aware  of  the  change.  In  such  a  category  we 
might  include  many  of  the  fallacies  concerning  the  position  and 
faculties  of  women. 

A  hundred  years  ago,  the  higher  education  of  w(jmen  was  an 
unheard  of  phenomenon.  Women  were  intended  to  bear  children. 
What  need  had  they  of  an  education !  Marriages  were  then  con- 
tracted at  an  early  age,  usually  in  the  teens  or  early  twenties, 
and  as  an  advanced  education  precluded  the  possibility  of  an  early 
marriage,  it  seemed  to  preclude  possibility  of  marriage  at  all. 

The  average  woman,  therefore,  who  went  to  college  in  the 
early  days  of  college  training  for  women,  was  not  the  type  who 
would  have  been  apt  to  marry  in  any  case.  The  first  classes  of 
college  women  consisted  largely  of  the  woman  who  had  some  spe- 
cial talent  which  she  wished  to  develop  and  practice,  the  woman 
of  strong  intellectual  jiroclivities,  who  preferred  not  to  engage  in 
tlie  domestic  occupations  usually  relegated  to  women,  and  the 
woman  who,  because  of  personal  unattractiveness,  knew  or  feared 
her  lack  of  popularity  among  men. 

The  later  experiences  of  women's  colleges  are  quite  the  opposite 
of  those  early  encountered.  Today  it  is  the  normal,  not  the  un- 
usual girl  who  goes  to  college  or  technical  school.  College  edu- 
cation is  considered  generally  desirable  as  a  means  of  finishing  the 
education  of  the  average  woman.  It  gives  culture.  It  has  be- 
come a  common  comfort,  if  not  a  necessity,  for  young  women  of 
means. 

The  developments  of  the  last  twenty  years  have  placed  before 
the  parents  of  all  classes  a  powerful  incentive  to  give  their 
daughters  the  best  in  education  that  can  be  secured.  Are  parents 
today  recognizing  these  facts  and  educating  their  daughters  as 
well  as  their  sons?     What  are  the  facts?     After  they  have  been 


'1/1.1!^9Q 


EDUCATION    AND    FECUNDITY. 


ascertained,  the  second  question  may  be  asked — Does  tliis  increase 
of  education  have  any  appreciable  effect  .upon  fecundity  ? 

The  facts  point  conclusively  to  a  rapid  advance  in  the  higher 
education  of  women.  In  the  first  place  a  larger  number  of  girls 
than  of  boys  are  being  given  a  high  school  education  in  the  cities 
of  the  United  States.  Among  318  cities  of  the  Ignited  States,  132 
having  25,000  population  and  over.  186  having  less  than  25,000 
population,  twenty  report  more  boys  than  girls  in  the  fourth  year 
of  the  high  school.  These  twenty,  moreover,  are  small  and  com- 
paratively unimportant.  In  all  the  other  298  cities  the  number 
of  girls  is  uniformly  greater  than  that  of  boys.* 

Although  the  number  of  girls  in  the  high  schools  almost  uni- 
versally exceeds  the  number  of  boys,  the  situation  in  the  elemen- 
tary grades  is  the  reverse.  A  school  census  of  thirty-two  states 
(1911)  shows  that  in  only  one  state — New  Hampshire — were 
there  more  girls  than  boys  in  all  grades  of  the  schools|.  In  only 
eight  out  of  these  thirty-one  states,  'however,  did  the  difference 
between  the  number  of  boys  and  number  of  girls  exceed  10,000. 
The  school  system  in  its  entirety  contains  a  higher  proportion  of 
boys  than  of  girls.  It  is  only  in  the  high  school  grades  that  the 
number  of  girls  exceeds  the  number  of  boys.  Clearly  then,  girls 
are  availing  themselves  more  fully  of  the  public  higher  educa- 
tional opportunities  than  are  boys. 

Tlie  real  extent  of  the  entrance  by  women  into  the  fields  of 
higher  education  is  shown  by  a  stud}/  of  the  statistics  of  college 
students.  The  movement  toward  the  college  education  of  women 
is  .so  recent,  and  the  opportunities  for  such  education  so  much 
smaller  than  for  that  of  men,  that  some  years  must  still  elapse 
l^efore  the  absolute  number  of  girls  in  college  approaches  tlie 
absolute  number  of  boys  there.  The  vital  question  therefore  is 
the  rate  of  in.crease  in  the  number  of  women  attending  college 
each  year  and  the  rate  of  increase  in  th.e  nitmber  of  men.  I'he 
figure.-,  are  available  between  1889-1912  for  the  number  of  men 
and  women  in  colleges  of  the  Uniterl  States.*     A  comparison  of 

*  Age  and  grade  censu.s  of  Schools  and  Colleges,  G.  D.  Straker,  United 
States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  1911,  No.  5,  pp.  14-28. 

t  Report  of  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education,  1911-191.2,  Gov- 
ernment Printing  Office,  IQI,,  \'ol.  2,  p.  93. 


EDUCATION   AND  FECUNDITY. 


these  figures,  first  by  ten  year  periods,  then  for  the  total  period, 
shows  that  the  ratio  of  increase  is  far  greater  for  the  women  than 
for  men. 

TABLE  I. 

PER  CENT.  OF  INCREASE  IN  THE  NUMBER  OF  MEN  AND  WOMEN  IN  THE 

COLLEGES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1889- 1912. 


Period. 


Men. 


iggo-iSgi  ot  igoo-igoi 
1900-igoi  to  igio-igii 
1889-1890    to    1911-1912- 


64 
58 
179 


Women. 


77 
66 
248 


A  further  examination  of  the  figures  shows  that  the  proportion 
of  men  to  the  total  number  of  college  students  is  steadily  decreas- 
ing, and  inversely  the  proportion  of  women  steadily  increasing. 

TABLE  II. 
PROPORTION  OF  MEN  IN  COLLEGE  TO  TOTAL  COLLEGE  STUDENTS, 

1889-1912. 


Period. 


Per  Cent. 


i89(j-i8gi 68 

ig;o-igoi I  66 

1Q10-1911 I  64 

19U-1912 1  63 


Here  then  is  an  answer  to  the  first  question  regarding  the 
higher  education  of  women.  The  number  of  women  in  the  United 
States  receiving  higher  education  is  absolutely  and  relatively  in- 
creasing in  the  colleges,  while  in  the  high  schools  the  number  of 
girl  students  actually  exceeds  the  number  of  boy  students.  What 
efl'ect,  if  any,  has  this  general  entrance  of  women  into  the  fields 
of  higher  education  u)>on  the  marriage  and  birth  rates  of  the 
women?  An  answer,  scientifically  established,  will  put  to  rest 
])opular  prejudice  and  speculative  theory. 

*Total  number  of  men  and  women  in  the  colleges  of  the  United  States, 
1889- 1912.  Report  of  the  Com.missioner  of  Education,  1911-1912,  Govern- 
ment Printing  Office,  1913,  Vol.  2,  p.  249. 

1889-1890 44,9-^<J  20,874 

1890- 1891 46,220  22,036 

]96o-i90i 75.472  38,900 

1910-1911 119,020  64,546 

1911-1912 125,750  72,703 


EDUCATION    AND    FI'X'UNniTY. 


II.     Marriage  Rates  of  Educated  Women. 

Marriage  is  the  first  element  in  fecundity  which  must  be  con- 
sidered and  investigated.  Illegitimate  births  are  few  among  the 
educated  classes,  and  the  statistics  of  such  births  even  in  the 
population  at  large,  never  exact,  probably  do  not  even  approxi- 
mate the  truth.  Hence  this  discussion  will  ignore  the  whole 
question  of  illegitimacy,  and  consider  marriage  as  the  necessary 
precursor  to  motherhood. 

The  method  adopted  in  obtaining  the  statistics  of  marriage 
among  college  women  was  as  follows:  From  a  list  of  all  the 
colleges  in  the  United  States,  classified  according  to  states,  in  the 
report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education  for 
1911-1912,  showing  in  all  459  colleges  having  women  students, 
seventy-two  colleges  were  selected  from  twenty-eight  states,  an 
efifort  being  made  to  select  those  having  the  largest  number  of 
women  students.  The  women  in  these  colleges  are  representative, 
both  territorially  and  luunerically.  of  the  college  Vvomen  of  tliC 
United  States.  The  colleges  were  selected  from  various  localities. 
The  total  numl^er  of  women  students  in  these  seventy-two  colleges 
was  40,653  or  36  per  cent,  of  the  total  numl^er  of  women  college 
students  in  the  United  States. 

A  form  letter  was  written  to  the  registrar  of  e?,ch  of  these 
colleges  asking  for  any  vital  statistics  which  had  been  collected. 
or  which  might  be  available  in  any  form.  Twenty-nine  colleges 
replied  that  no  such  statistics  were  available,  eighteen  sent  no 
replv,  and  twenty-five  colleges  sent  such  infonnati>>n  as  they  bad, 
which  information  in  seven  cases  proved  of  no  value.  The  ma- 
terial at  hand  was  then  carefully  gone  over  and  com[)iled  into 
marriage  rate  and  birth  rate  tables  for  each  college. 

The  marriage  tables  for  each  college  were  then  combined  into 
two  tables  giving  by  decades  first  the  number  and  second  the  per 
cent,  of  married  and  unmarried  grafluates  from  eighteen  college-- 
having  a  total  of  14,551  women  graduates. 


KDLTCATJON    AND   FECUNDITY. 


TABLE  III. 

'NUMBERS  OF  WOMEN  GRADUATES  AND  NUMBER  OF  SUCH  GRADUATES 

MARRIED  FOR  CERTAIN  COLLEGES,  BY  COLLEGE  AND 

BY   DECADES,   1870-1913. 


Earlham  ... 
Swarthmore 
Wilson  .... 
Indiana    .... 

Vassar    

<Jiegon    

Radclitte  .. 
Weliesley. . 
S.  Dakota.. 
Kryn  Mawr 
Mississippi. 
Hoi  yoke  ... 
Washington 

State    

Rochester   .. 

Ohio     

Oregon    Agri 

cultural  .. 
Rockford  .. 
Smith    


23 

13 

43 

33 

132 

31" 

21 

72 

42 

148 

.S6 

20 

42^ 

23 

219 

35 

30 

56 

40 

228 

383 

203 

376 

208 

791 

34 

19 

84 

1 

30 

12 

253 

1 

3i« 

257 

1201 

47 

294 

12" 

7 

10 

t 

377 

1 

123 

126 

120 
523 

37 

123 

3 

IS8 


200 

260  I 

309  I 

482  I 

1874  I 

151  I 

746  I 

733 


82 

■35= 


103 
103 

95 
164 
500 

63 
228 

33 
244 


15 
109 
140 


228 
23 


473 
620 

239 
262 

746 
887 
3424 
269 

266 
366 
1287 
136 

1257 
1719 
153 

376 
780 
84 

"93 
70 

392 
18 

174 

S6 

135 

40 

52 

32 

398 

206 

237" 
21618 

134 
1016 

TABLE  IV. 

PER     CENT.     OF    WOMEN     COLLEGE     GRADUATES     WHO     MARRIED,     FOR 

CERTAIN  COLLEGES,  BY  COLLEGES  AND  BY  DECADES,   1870-1913. 


College. 


1870-79    I  1880-89 


Per   Cent,    of   Graduates 
Married 


1890-99 


1900-og 


Earlham 

Swarthmore 

Wilson 

Indiana 

Vassar 

Oregon 

Radcliffe 

V/ellesley 

South   Dakota 

Rryn     Mawr 

Mississippi 

Holyoke 

Washington  State... 

Rochester 

Ohio 

Oregon  Agricultural. 

Rocktord 

Smith 


1909-12 


Total 
Gradu- 
ates to 
1912 


•9 

76.7 

7.7 

S8.3 

•5 

54-7 

•7 

71-4 

.0 

55-3 

55-8 

40.0 

49.6 

58.3 


51-5 
39.6 
30-7 
34-9 
26.6 
41-7 
30.5 

21.7 

.55-4 

16.6 

23.6= 

4J.4 

22.2 


^3-3 
3.6 
1-4 


7.6 


■  5.6 


50-5 
42.2 
35.6 
41.2 
37-5 
50-5 
29.9 
45-3 
54.9 
32.8 
25-7 

32.1 
22.2 
61.5 
51-7 
56.1 
47.0 


*  Since  1873.      ^Since  1883.     ^  Since   1901-10.     ^  Since  1873.     ^  Since   1885.     "To   1901. 
t  Secured  from  an  article  by  Amy  Hewes,  Quarterly  Publication  of  American  Statis- 
tical Association,  Vol.   XII,  p.   771. 


EDUCATION    AND    FECUNDITY. 


In  only  five  cases  were  figures  available  for  the  decade  1870- 
79.  In  only  nine  cases  were  they  available  from  1880-89.  I" 
view  of  the  fact,  further,  that  the  marriage  rate  of  those  graduat- 
ing since  1900  would  still  necessarily  be  low  because  such  gradu- 
ates would  be  under  35  years  of  age,  the  most  representative 
decade  under  consideration  would  be  that  from  1890-99.  Here 
the  absolute  number  of  women  graduates  is  greater  than  in  any 
preceding  decade,  although  less  than  in  any  succeeding  decade. 
The  per  cent,  of  marriage  here  averages,  on  the  whole,  consider- 
ably lower  than  that  of  the  previous  decades  in  the  colleges  from 
which  such  information  is  available.  It  is  probable,  therefore, 
that  the  per  cent,  in  this  decade  would  give  a  conservative  estimate 
of  the  rate  for  college  women.  It  varies  from  78.7  in  South 
Dakota  State  College  to  30  per  cent,  in  the  University  of  Mississ- 
ippi— neither  of  these  colleges  being  representative,  gradtiating 
between  them  in  the  decade  only  57  students.  If  we  compare  the 
per  cent,  for  this  decade  with  that  of  the  following,  we  find  an 
average  fall  of  20  while  the  average  fall  from  tbe  per  cent,  of 
1900-09  to  that  which  was  estimated  in  a  few  cases  for  1909- 19 12 
was  2'^  per  cent. 

The  totals  are  comparatively  meaningless.  This  statement 
applies  to  both  the  absolute  number  and  to  the  proportion  of 
graduates  married.  Both  the  total  number  of  graduates  married 
in  each  college  (  and  in  some  colleges  tliis  was  the  only  information 
available),  and  the  proportion  married  must  be  considered  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  results  are  obtained  from  a  body  of  students 
of  w'hom  a  large  number  have  yet  had  little  opportunity  for  mar- 
riage, and  whose  marriage  rate  when  estimated  separately  was 
from  20  lo  25  per  cent,  lower  than  that  in  the  previous  decade. 
It  must  be  remembered,  moreover,  that  as  each  gratluating  class 
is  in  almost  every  ca.se  larger  than  the  preceding  one.  the  denom- 
inator of  the  fraction  is  every  year  being  increased  at  a  greater 
rate  than  the  numerator.  On  the  other  hand,  this  marriage  per 
cent,  of  tlie  entire  number  of  graduates  of  a  college  includes  in  the 
older  colleges  those  who  have  graduated  in  the  decades  previous 
to  1890,  and  whose  marriage  rate  averages,  where  figures  are  ob- 
tainable, over  15  per  cent,  higher  in  1880-89  than  in  1890-99  and 


EDUCATIOX    AND    FEtUXDITY.  7 

5  per  cent,  higher  in  1870-79  than  in  1880-89.  Balancing  off  the 
20  and  25  per  cent,  fall  in  the  rate  from  1890  to  19 13,  and  15  and 
5  per  cent,  increase  previous  to  1890  and  taking  into  account  that 
the  fall  was  for  a  far  greater  absolute  number  than  the  increase, 
because  of  the  yearly  increase  in  size  of  classes,  we  may  assume 
that  in  cases  where  the  marriage  rate  by  classes  was  not  obtain- 
able, the  rate  for  those  graduating  in  the  decade  1890-99  is  at  least 
TO  per  cent,  higher  than  the  rate  for  the  entire  body  of  graduates. 

The  earliest  years,  as  already  indicated,  are  scarcely  repre- 
sentative. Yet  there  seems  to  be  little  real  difference  between  the 
percentages  there  and  in  later  decades.  Of  the  9  colleges  which 
supply  us  figures  for  the  decade  1880-89,  2  show  percentages  of 
married  graduates  in  excess  of  70  per  cent.  In  neither  of  these 
colleges  was  the  total  number  of  graduates  large  (Earlham  43, 
Indiana  56).  The  other  7  colleges  report  marriage  rates  varying 
less  than  10  points.  The  2  large  colleges,  Vassar  and  Weilesley 
(376  and  518  graduates  respectively),  report  a  marriage  rate  for 
the  decade  of  55.3  in  the  case  of  Vassar  and  49.6  in  the  case  of 
Weilesley.  The  decade  1890  to  1899  is  undoubtedly  the  most 
fairly  representative  of  any  of  the  decades  under  consideration. 
On  the  one  hand,  it  falls  within  the  epoch  which  accepted  College 
Education  for  women,  and  looked  upon  it  as  thoroughly  respect- 
able. On  the  other  hand,  the  graduates  in  the  latest  graduating 
class  (class  of  1899)  are  now  at  least  35  years  of  age.  The  mar- 
riage record  of  the  decade  is  therefore  fairly  com|ilete.  The  8 
colleges  graduating  more  than  100  students  during  the  decade 
( Earlham.  Swarthmore,  Wilson.  Indiana,  Vassar,  Radcliffe. 
Weilesley.  and  Bryn  Mawr)  show  fairly  unifi^rm  marriage  rates, 
the  lowest  is  Bryn  Mawr.  41.8  per  cent.  (294  graduates),  and  the 
highest  is  Swarthmore.  58.7  per  cent.  (148  graduates).  It  is 
probable  that  the  marriage  rate  for  this  decade  is  fairly  represen- 
tative of  the  tendency  in  the  modern  women's  college  world. 
Granted  that  this  statement  is  accurate,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
proportion  of  women  college  graduates  who  marry  is  approxi- 
mately one  half  (usually  slightly  over  50  per  cent.). 

The  records  of  the  succeeding  decade  show  a  heavy  falling  off 
in  per  cent,  of  women  married.     The  women  in  the  class  of  1909 


EI)UCATK)N    AND    FKCUNDITV 


are  approximately  25  years  old.  The  marriage  records  are  there- 
fore incomplete  and  wholly  unreliable.  The  proportion  married 
for  this  decade  is  from  one  quarter  to  one  third  of  the  total 
graduates,  and  is  therefore  almost  one  half  of  the  pupils  reported 
for  the  previous  decade. 

This  study  was  originally  intended  to  study  in  three  classes: 
( i)  The  college  woman,  (2  )  The  normal  school  graduate,  and  (3  ) 
The  commercial  high  school  graduate,  and  to  compare  the  mar- 
riage and  birth  rates  prevailing  among  the  three.  With  this  end 
in  view  a  form  letter  similar  to  that  sent  to  the  colleges  was  sent 
to  leading  high  and  normal  schools  throughout  the  country.  Only 
six  replies  were  received  and  in  only  2  of  these  cases  was  any  in- 
formation vouchsafed.  Obviously  these  figures  were  of  no  prac- 
tical use. 

The  only  other  group  educationally  on  a  par  with  women  col- 
lege graduates,  for  whom  statistics  are  obtainable,  is  the  group  of 
men  college  graduates.  The  Vale  RcT'icn'  gives  us  the  following 
marriage  rate  for  Yale  graduates: 


TABLE  V. 
PER  CENT.  OF  YALE  GRADUATES  WHO  WERE  MARRIED,  1701-1886. 


Classes.  i  Per 'Cent.  Married 


1701 -1 791  !  8&.3 

1  -97-1833  I  78-8 

1834-1849  '  81.2 

1849-1866  1  81.3 

1867-1886  1  66..3 


The  figures  for  the  classes  1867-1886  are  the  only  ones  in  any 
way  comparable  with  the  figures  for  woman  college  graduates. 
Since  the  question  of  social  standing  did  not  enter  into  the  mar- 
riage rate  of  college  men  during  the  earlier  decades,  their  mar- 
riage rate  for  the  earliest  decades  would  be  exi^-cted  to  be  some- 
what higher  than  that  of  college  women. 

The  only  remaining  comparison  to  be  made  is  that  between  tliC 
marriage  rate  of  college  women  and  the  marriage  rate  of  the 
population  at  large. 


EDUCATION   AND  FECUNDITY. 


TABLE  VI. 
PER  CENT.  MARRIED.*    TOTAL  NUMBERS  AND  PERCENTAGES  OF  WOMEN, 
15    YEARS    OF    AGE    AND    OVER,    TOGETHER    WITH    THOSE    WHO    ARE 
MARRIED  AND  WHO  ARE  SINGLE,  1910. 


Total. 


Number.     ^^^ 
Cent. 


Married 


Number. 


Per 

Cent. 


Total: 

Native     white     30,047,325 

Native    parentage     15,523,900 

Native      white,      foreign      or  I 

mixed     parentage     I  5,887,131   I     100 

Foreign-born    white    |  5,446,306  1     100 

Negro     I  3,103,3441     100 


100     I  21,045,983 
100     I   10,842,998 


3,421,147 
4,444,657 
2,269,066 

L 


70.0 
69.8 

58.1 
81.6 

73-1 


Single 


Number. 


8,933.170 
4,644,122 

2.453.017 
994,110 
823,996 


Per 
Cent. 


29.7 
29.9 

41.7 
18.3 
26.6 


Since  the  great  majority  of  women  college  graduates  are  native- 
born,  the  only  figures  here  with  which  comparison  can  be  made 
are  those  referring  to  native  whites  of  native  parents.  As  au- 
thority for  this  assumption,  I  might  quote  an  investigation  cover- 
ii:g  1.290  college  graduates  in  which  705  re]:»lied.  practically  all  of 
whom  were  native  born  : 

83.3  per  cent,  had  native  American  parents. 
2.8  per  cent,  had  foreign  mother  and  native  father. 
3.5  per  cent,  had  foreign  father  and  native  mother, 
only  9.8  per  cent,  had  both  parents  foreign  born. 
The  following  figures  then  stand  contrasted: 

I  rumen  75  Years  and  Over.  Per  Cent.  Married. 

(native  white,   native  parents )...  .69.8   (figures  taken  1910). 

College  graduates   to   1913 42.2   (figures  taken   1913  I. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  a  small  proportion  of  college  graduates 
(about  15  per  cent. )  are  of  foreign  or  mixed  percentage,  and  that 
the  marriage  rate  for  the  population  at  large  for  native  white 
women  of  foreign  parentage  is  58.1  per  cent.,  hence  lower  than 
that  for  native  white  of  native  parentage,  the  42.2  per  cent  of 
college  graduates  should  really  be  compared  with  a  figure  ob- 
tained by  including  15  per  cent,  of  those  with  foreign  or  mixed 
parentage,  thus  lowering  the  rate  slightly.  In  other  words,  if  we 
lAd  to  the  15,525.900  of  native  white  parentage  15  per  cent,  of  the 
5,887,131  of  mixed  parentage,  or  883.069  and  to  the  10.842.998 
*Abstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Censu.s. 


lO  EDUCATION     AND    KECUNDirV. 

married  of  native  white  parentage,  58  per  cent,  (the  foreign 
parentage  rate)  of  this  883,069,  or  158,925.  we  get  a  total  of 
11,001.950  women  married  out  of  total  16,406,969.  This  would 
give  a  marriage  per  cent,  of  67.  We  can  then  make  our  contrast 
between  67  per  cent,  for  the  whole  population  and  42.2  per  cent, 
for  college  graduates. 

These  figures  show  that  the  marriage  rate  for  non-college 
women  is  59  per  cent,  higher  than  the  rate  for  college  women. 
This  would  seem  on  the  face  of  it.  to  be  a  tremendous  difference, 
but  it  cannot  be  attributed  solely  to  the  difference  in  education. 
There  are  two  other  factors  that  play  a  large  part  in  the  situation. 
First  comes  the  financial  situation.  In  the  second  place,  social 
considerations  are  of  the  utmost  importance  in  determining  mar- 
riage and  usually  act  in  actual  practice  as  deterrents  rather  than 
incentives.  The  standards  of  living  among  educated  people  are 
higher,  and  their  requirements  harder  for  the  prospective  husband 
to  meet.  These  two  factors  might  and  do  contribute  toward  th.e 
comparatively  low  marriage  rate  of  college  women. 

No  other  available  figures  throw  light  on  the  marriage  rate, 
actual  or  comparative,  of  college  women.  College  women  do 
marry,  probably  in  fifty  cases  out  of  a  hundred,  given  sufficient 
time  out  of  college. 

TTT.     RiKTH  Ratk.s  of  Educated  Women. 

Like  the  statistics  of  marriage,  the  most  satisfactory  statistics 
of  the  birth  rate  among  educated  women  are  those  of  college 
graduates.  Out  of  the  58  replies  from  the  71  colleges  written  to, 
only  5  vouchsafed  any  information  from  which  a  birth  rate  could 
be  deduced.  In  addition,  information  concerning  4  other  colleges 
was  obtained  indirectly.  Thus  the  source  from  which  the  figures 
were  drawn  is  small  in  comparison  with  the  entire  field.  The 
colleges  included  in  it  are,  however,  the  most  representative  of 
American  colleges  for  women.  The  following  table  gives  a  num- 
ber of  the  most  pertinent  facts  about  the  birth  rates  of  college 
women  : 


KDUCATION    AND   FECUNDITY. 


II 


^w     PO^ 


<    a    -^    X 


^3 
n  5 


—  "      !C  ' 


3i 

- 

S 

« 

S 

rT 

^ 

(T 

•-- 

^ 

•-< 

> 

r 


T2  EDUCATION     AND    FICCUXDITV. 

Fre^m  this  table  it  appears  that  the  per  cent,  of  married  college 
graduates  having  one  or  more  children  varies  from  67  per  cent,  at 
Smith  to  72.3  at  Rockford  College.  In  all  cases  the  period  covered 
is  approximately  the  same  (  Bryn  Mawr  is  the  sole  exception  ).  In 
all  cases  the  percentage  by  one  or  more  children  is  remarkably 
uniform.  The  per  cent,  having  two  or  more  children  varies  from 
44.7  at  Smith  to  53  at  Bryn  Mawr.  The  per  cent,  of  married 
graduates  having  no  children  varies  from  20.1  per  cent,  at  Rock- 
ford  to  32.9  per  cent,  at  Smith.  Thus  we  find  the  birth  rate  is 
lowest  at  Smith,  highest  at  Rockford.  with  Bryn  Mawr  as  a 
medium. 

This  table  of  marriage  rates  and  birth  rates  gives  tlie  figures 
from  approximately  the  beginning  of  each  college  down  to  1901. 
In  the  case  of  Bryn  INIawr  and  of  Holyoke.  however,  the  found- 
ing of  them  was  at  a  much  later  date  than  that  of  the  others. 
(Holyoke  existed  as  a  Seminary  only,  prior  to  1890.)  Since 
therefore  neither  of  these  colleges  lias  the  body  of  older  graduate-^ 
that  the  other  colleges  have,  we  should  expct  to  find  marriage  and 
birth  rates  correspondingly  lower.  Since  this  is  not  the  case  in 
the  birth  rates  at  l.'ryn  Mawr.  we  may  assume  a  somewhat  higher 
birth  rate  there  in  proportion  to  the  other  colleges,  than  is  shown 
by  the  figures.  Since  the  figures  for  the  8  colleges  whose  com- 
bined records  appear  shiow  a  slightly  lower  birth  rate  than  the 
median  taken  from  the  entire  table,  we  may  assume  a  slightlx- 
lower  rate  for  the  colleges  included  in  it.  Wells,  Radcliffe.  North- 
western, whose  sejjarate  figures  were  not  obtainable,  than  for  the 
colleges  for  which  separate  figures  were  secured. 

A  comparison  of  the  absolute  number  of  children  in  each  case 
with  the  number  of  graduates  in  the  4  colleges  from  wh'ch  these 
figures  were  obtainable,  shows  the  following  results:  Smith  59.4, 
Vassar  83.9,  Bryn  Mawr  82.3.  and  Holyoke  76.3  children  ])er  100 
graduates.  This  rate  apparently  falls  far  short  of  properly  main- 
taining the  population.  The  small  percentage  of  marriages  amorig 
graduates,  coupled  with  the  low  birth  rate  spells  population  de- 
cline. If,  however,  the  matter  is  viewed  from  the  standj.v.jint  of 
the  married  college  graduate,  the  story  is  much  better.  A  com- 
])arison  of  the  number  of  married  graduates  with  the  number  of 


EDUCATION   AND   FECUNDITY. 


13 


children  gives  the  following  result  per  one  hundred  married  grad- 
uates:  Smith  126.4.  Vassar  164.3,  Bryn  Mawr  172.4,  and  Holyoke 
182.3  children.  These  figures  average  about  1.6  children  per  mar- 
ried graduate. 


TABLE  VIII. 
MARRIAGE   AND   BIRTH    RATES  OF  CERTAIN  COLLEGES   BY   DECADES. 


Classes 


College 


Number 

of 
Gradu- 
ates 


Married 


Number 


Per  Cent 


Total 
Number 
of  Chil- 
dren 


1870     I   Vassar     j  383 

to       I   Bryn    Mawr    I  I 

1879  I  Wellesley    I 

1880  j   Vassar     |  376  I  208     1         55.3 

to       I   Brvn     Mawr     ]  !  j 

1889  I   Wellesley     ;  si8  I  257     |         49— 

I  111 

1890  I  Vassar     I  791  I  3/6     1         47-5 

to          Bryn     Mawr     i  294  I  123     I         41.8 

i8yy        Wellesley     I  1,201  1  523     |        43.5 

j   Holyoke     i  377  I  158     I        4i-9 

I  )  !  1 

1900     I  Vassar     i  1,874  50<J             26.6 

to       I     Bryn    Mawr    |  688  |  244     |        35.4 

1909     I   Wellesley     |  |  | 

I   Holyoke     I  1,206  |  285     |        23.6 


348 

+27 

553 
211 
776 
288 


260 


Number 
of  Chil- 
dren 
per  100 
Grad- 
uates 


Number 
of  Chil- 
dren 
per    100 
Married 
Grad- 
uates 


93-5 

82.3    ! 
I 
69.9 
71.7 
64.6 
76.3 

18.3 
27.6 


207.8 


167.3 

166. 1 

147.0 
171-5 

IIO.I 

182.3 

68.8 
77-4 


It  is  apparent  that  not  even  in  the  decade  1870-79  was  the  birth 
r;'te  high  enough  to  maintain  the  population,  when  both  the  un- 
m;irried  graduates  and  the  husbands  of  the  married  graduates  are 
taken  into  account.  The  rate  in  the  next  two  decades  declines  for 
\'assar  and  Smith  to  92.5  and  82.4  children  respectively  per  100 
graduates.  In  the  following  decade  these  two  colleges  decline  to 
()().()  and  64.6  respectively,  but  Bryn  Mawr  and  Holyoke  here 
begin  their  existence,  and  their  rates  for  the  classes  of  this  decade 
:ire  slightly  higher  dian  the  two  others.  In  the  decade  1900-1909 
the  rate  is  ver)-  low  owing  to  recent  graduation,  and  the  figures  are 
not  worth  consideration. 

Only  2  colleges  (Vassar  and  Bryn  Mawr)  give  any  detailed 
information  regarding  the  size  of  families.  Of  these  colleges, 
A'assar  alone  has  been  in  existence  long  enough  to  show  any 
marked  change  in  family  size. 


M 


EDUCATION    AND    KECUNDITV. 


TABLE  IX. 
SIZE  OF  FAMILIES  OF  WOMEN  COLLEGE  GRADUATES. 


College  and 

Total 
Married 
Graduates 

1 

Number  of  Married  Graduates  Having  Each  of  the 
Following  Number  of  Children 

Total 
Chil- 

Period 

One 

Two    1  Three      Four 

Five        Six     Seven 

Eight 

dren 

Vassar: 

1867-1901 

1867- 1910 

Bryn  Mawr: 

1890-1912 

Vassar: 

1867-1876 

1877-1886 

1887-1896 

1897-1901 

961 
1 ,323 

380 

181 
207 
273 
276 

201 
316 

86 

24 
3i 
57 
87 

209 
244 

84 

26 
40 
74 
69 

143            61 
146            61 

47            14 

1 
35            20 
33            17 
44             17 
31             17' 

29 

29 

II 

14 
7 
8 

II 

II 

3 

5 

5 

6 
6 

2 
3 

L 

2 
2 

I 
I 

289 

503 

135 

383 
374 

It  will  here  be  seen  in  the  case  of  Vassar  that  the  size  of  fam- 
ilies has  been  smaller  since  1901  than  previous  to  that  date.  No 
Vassar  graduate  since  that  date  has  had  a  family  of  over  three 
children,  and  only  three  have  had  a  family  of  three.  Vassar 
graduates  since  1890  have  had  no  families  of  six.  six  families  of 
five,  and  eighteen  families  of  four  children  each.  The  figures  of 
Bryn  Mawr,  therefore,  while  they  seem  lower  on  the  table,  are 
really  not  so  for  the  same  period  of  years. 

The  last  table  which  seems  of  value  is  published  in  the  Bryn 
Mawr  catalogue  for  1913.  page  298. 


EDUCATION   AND  FECUxNDITY. 


15 


TABLE  X. 

NUMBER  OF  MARRIAGES  AMONG  BRYN  MAWR  GRADUATES  AND  NUMBER 

OF  CHILDREN  BORN,  BY  YEAR  OF  MARRIAGES,  1890-1912. 


Year  of 

Duration 
of  Mar- 
riage in 
Years 

Number 
of  Gradu- 
ates Mar- 
ried Each 
Year 

Number  of  Children 

Average 
per 

Marriage 

Boys 

Girls 

Total 

Marriage 

1890 

22-23 

1 891 

' 

i8q2 

!                             I.? 

igol 

■894 

iS05 

1896 

1897 

1898  

18-19       !          5                 5 
17-18       i         9                 7 

16-17          1              3                         6 
15-16                       4                         7 

14-15             !                   5                !                1-2 

13-14      ;        14       1         0 

12-13      1        12       1        14 

11-12             !                13                ;                18 

10-11              10               13 
9-10              15               II 

8-9        1        23               31 
7-8         !         29         1         29 
tj-;                36                2^ 

5-u           ,           29                      18 

4-5        1        30                22 
3-4        1        28        1        16 
2-3        1        31        1         3 

.  1-2          I          34          1            8 

4            1              9 
9           1            16 

2  I            8 

3  10 

1.8 
1.8 
2.7 
2.5 
4.2 

10 
14 
14 

8 
15 
32 
24 
34 
17 
II 
18 
15 

6 

16 
28 

2.3 

2-5 

- 

26               1             1.7 

63                1             2.7 

1906 

i-uoy 

igc8 

57 
35 
3i 

1.6 
1.2 
I.I 

1910 

18           1         0.6 
14           1         0.4 

1890  to   1912 

392 

261 

263 

524 

1-3 

We  here  have  an  opportunity  for  the  first  time  to  compare  the 
number  of  children  with  the  duration  of  the  marriage.  The  aver- 
age number  of  children  per  family  of  ten  or  more  years'  duration 
is  2."/,  showing  a  rate  slightly  higher  than  that  necessary  to 
maintain  a  static  population,  provided  no  deaths  occur.  Holyoke 
gives  a  similar  figure  here,  showing  an  average  of  2.43  children 
born  to  each  of  439  married  graduates  of  the  decade  1890-99. 

Available  figures  dealing  with  the  fecundity  of  college  women 
are  few  in  number  and  narrow  in  scope — the  same  data  are  not 
given  in  every  case,  and  comjDarison  is  difficult.  I'^igures  for  the 
past  deal  with  the  number  of  graduates  having  children,  rather 
than  the  number  of  children,  hence  the  difficulty  of  >hovvdng  ac- 
curate details  of  the  number  of  children  per  marriage.  Since  in 
each  case,  of  the  five  colleges  furnishing  the  best  data,  Bryn  Mawr 
was  nearest  to  the  medium,  her  figures  can  reasonablv  be  as- 
sumed to  represent  the  approximate  situation  in  those  colleges  not 
giving  com])lete  data  (Smith  and  Rockford).     Since  further,  the 


t6  EDUCATIOX     AND    FKCUNDITY. 

Bryn  Mavvr  table  for  duration  of  marriage  shows  that  all  mar- 
riages of  over  ten  'years'  duration  average  z.n  children,  the  fol- 
lowing conclusion  may  be  drawn  : 

1.  Where  all  college  graduates  are  included  up  to  date  the 
number  of  children  per  graduate  would  be  slightly  above  three 
fourths,  the  number  per  married  graduate  would  be  approximately 
one  and  one  half. 

2.  Where  only  those  graduates  who  liave  been  graduated  a 
sufficient  number  of  years  to  allow  for  marriage  and  all  prdbable 
family  increase,  are  considered,  the  rate  would  be  approximately 
2  to  2\i  children  per  family. 

So  much  for  the  available  figures  for  college  graduates.  Of 
all  possible  comparisons,  the  fairest,  in  fact  the  only  fair  com- 
parison, is  with  the  sisters,  cousins,  and  friends  of  these  college 
women,  who  did  not  themselves  attend  college.  Here  social  and 
economic  considerations  would  have  equal  weight,  and  any  dilter- 
ence  in  rate  would  most  probably  be  traceable  to  the  college 
training. 

Mary  Roberts  Smith  in  an  article  on  the  Statistics  of  College 
and  Non-College  Women  (1900)*  has  made  such  a  study  and 
obtained  from  it  valuable  conclusions.  Schedules  were  sent  by 
her  to  343  college  mothers  and  313  non-college  mothers  who  were 
their  sisters,  cousins,  and  friends.  She  summarizes  her  con- 
clusions as  follows  : 

1.  The  marriage  of  college  women  was  postponed  two  years 
as  compared  with  that  of  non-college  women  (26.3  vs.  24.3  years.) 

2.  The  age  of  marriage  for  both  classes  has  been  growing  in 
the  last  thirty  years, — a  larger  per  cent,  of  non-college  mothers 
marrying  before  the  age  of  21  ;  a  larger  per  cent,  of  the  college 
mothers  marrying  after  3J. 

3.  T!ie  non-college  women  have  been  married  an  average  of  2 
vears  longer  than  the  college  women  and  have  borne  a  slightly 
larger  number  of  children,  but  the  college  women  have  borne  the 
larger  number  oi  children  per  year  of  married  life. 

Significant  comparison  may  be  made  between  the  men.     If  we 

*Quarterly  Publications  of  the  American  Statistical  Association,  No. 
49-50,  Volume  VII,  March-June,  1900,  p.  i. 


KnUCATrON    AND    FECUNDITV.  I7 

compare   the   fecundity   of   Yale  graduates   to   the   fecundity  of 
women  college  graduates,  we  get  the  following  results.* 

TABT.E  XI. 

A    COMPARISON    OF   THE    BIRTH    RATES   OF   YALE    AND   VASSAR    GRADU- 
ATES CLASSES  OF  1867  TO  1886  INCLUSIVE.     NUMBER 
OF  CHILDREN  PER  MARRIED  GRADUATE. 


Vale: 

1867-; 886 
Vasi-ar: 
iS67-iSE6 


Another  interesting  comparison  might  be  made  between  women 
college  graduates  and  women  graduates  of  normal  and  high 
schools,  who  did  not  go  to  college,  but  here  again  it  is  rendered 
impossible  by  the  fragmentary  character  of  the  material.  Author- 
itc^tive  data  was  secured  for  only  two  classes  and  conclusions  from 
tb.em  would  carry  little  weight. 

A  comparison  of  college  birth  rates  with  those  of  the  popula- 
tion at  large  are  of  little  value  because  of  the  dififerences  in  age, 
sex.  social  and  economic  position.  Moreover,  statistics  of  the 
uonulation  at  large  in  the  United  States  have  never  been  compiled. 
In  the  registration  area,  where  some  work  has  been  done,  imper- 
fect registration  of  birth  renders  the  figures  of  somewhat  doubt- 
ful value. 

One  study,  however,  has  been  made  which  gives  us  comparable 
figures  from  the  population  at  large.  I  refer  to  an  article  by  Dr. 
lo-eph  A.  Hill  in  the  Quarterly  Publications  of  the  Ameri- 
can Statistical  Association. t  Dr.  Hill's  study  included  in  all 
185,788  women,  78,432  of  whom  had  been  married  ten  to  twenty 
years.  These  78,432  were  divided  into  four  classifications :  (  i ) 
white  native  parentage,  (2)  white  foreign  parentage  (first  gen- 
eration), (3)  (  second  generation ) .  (4)  negro.  The  areas  covered 
were  the  state  of  Rhode  Island,  the  City  of  Cleveland  and  48 
mainly  rural  counties  in  Ohio,  Minneapolis,  and  21  mainly  rural 
counties  in  Minnesota.     The  native  white  of  native  parents  are  of 

*.Statistics  of  Yale  Graduates,  Yale  Review,  1908-09,  p.  337. 
tQuarterly  Publications  of  the  American  Statistical  .Association,  Vol. 
XIII,  Dec.  1 91 3,  p.  583. 


i8 


EDUCATION    AND    FKCUNDITY. 


course  the  only  ones  that  can  fairly  be  compared  with  our  college 
women.     For  them  the  figures  were  as  follows : 


TABLE  XII. 

BIRTH    RATE    OF    NATIVE-BORN    WHITE    AMERICAN    WOMEN    UNDER    45 

YEARS   OF  AGE,   MARRIED    10-20   YEARS. 


Total 

Bearing-  No  Children 

Total 

Number 

of  Children 

42.933 

Average 

per 
Married 
Woman 

2.7 

Per  Cent  Bearing 

Number 

Number   |    Per  Cent. 

I  or  2 

3.  4  or  5 

6  or  More 
Children 

15.953 

2,097       1          13. 1 

1 
39-8       !      .37.2 

1 

Q.g 

The  interesting-  fact  here  is  that  Dr.  Hill's  average  number  of 
children  per  married  woman,  2.7.  is  identical  with  the  2.7  children 
which  each  Bryn  Mawr  marriage  of  over  ten  years  duration  aver- 
ages. Here,  at  least,  we  find  two  groups  of  women,  college, 
and  selected  from  the  population  at  large,  identical  as  to  age.  race, 
and  durati(,)n  of  marriage,  who  average  the  .same  number  of  chil- 
(h-en  per  marriage. 

in  conclusion  we  may  say,  first,  that  the  birth  rate  of  college 
women  is  ascentainable ;  second,  that,  in  so  far  as  it  can  be  com- 
pared to  that  of  the  sisters,  cousins,  and  friends  of  college  women, 
it  is  probably  very  little  lower,  or  about  the  same,  i.e.,  the  non- 
college  woman  has  more  children,  but  the  college  woman  bears 
more  per  year  of  married  life;  third,  if  we  compare  it  with  that 
of  men  college  graduates,  we  find  only  a  slightly  lower  rate  for 
the  women  ;  fourtli,  in  comparing  it  with  the  only  definite  study  so 
far  discovered,  of  women  from  the  population  at  large,  of  siinilar 
race,  of  child-bearing  age,  married  ten  to  twenty  years,  we  find 
almost  completely  identical  figures.  Obviousl}-  none  of  these  com- 
])arisons  are  of  great  value.  The  numbers  included  are  in  most 
cases  too  small  or  the  ground  covered  too  limited  to'  enable  us  to 
give  the  re~.ults  aii\-  wides])read  application. 

The  purpose  of  this  study,  as  stated  in  the  introduction,  was 
the  an^wering  of  two  definite  questions :  First,  is  the  higher 
e<Iucation  of  women  absolutely  and  relatively  increasing  in  this 
country?  Second,  has  this  increase,  if  there  is  any.  an  appreciable 
efi'ect  upon  fecundity? 

The  first  of  thc^e  (luestion.s  must  be  answered  definitely  in  t!ic 


EDUCATION   AND    FECUNDITY  I9 

afifirmative.  A  careful  investigation  of  the  figures  at  hand  shows 
not  only  a  larger  absolute  number  of  girls  than  of  boys  in  the  high 
schools  of  the  United  States,  but  a  greater  ratio  of  increase  in 
college  attendance  for  girls  than  for  boys,  and  a  steady  increase 
in  the  proportion  of  women  students  to  the  entire  body  of  college 
students. 

The  answer  to  the  second  question — Has  this  increase  in  the 
higher  education  of  women  any  effect  upon  fecundity — is  not  so 
satisfactory.  It  has  been  found  (  i)  that  the  proportion  of  women 
college  graduates  who  marry  is  approximately  one  half  (slightly 
over  one  half  in  most  cases);  (2)  that  the  proportion  of  men 
college  graduates  who  marry  is  somewhat  higher;  (3)  that,  com- 
]5aring  college  women  with  the  census  figures  of  population  at 
large,  the  marriage  rate  among  non-college  women  is  consider- 
ablv  higher  (59  per  cent.)  than  among  college  women;  (4)  that 
the  higher  marriage  rate  of  men  and  non-college  women  (where 
it  is  higher)  may  quite  conceivably  be  due  to  causes  other  than 
that  of  education. 

The  figures  and  conclusions  obtained  are,  at  best,  inadequate. 
Obviously  they  fall  far  short  of  showing  any  appreciable  eft'ect 
of  tlie  higher  education  of  women  upon  fecundity.  The  college 
statistics  are  accurate  and  reliable  as  far  as  they  go,  but  there  are 
too  few  colleges  which  keep  any  records  of  fecundity,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  figures  obtainable  are  too  recent  to  be  fairly 
representative  of  college  fecun.dity.  High  and  normal  school 
statistics  on  the  subject  of  fecundity  are  practically  non-existent, 
;invl  present  a  field  of  work  which  would  adequately  repay  careful 
investigation.  The  figures  do  prove  conclusively  the  impossibili- 
ty of  justifying  any  statement  that  the  higher  education  of  women 
does  or  does  not  lower  fecundity. 

.\s  far  as  any  positive  conclusion  is  concerned,  the  figures  only 
show  the  existence  of  two  separate  phenomer.a  of  continually 
increasing  importance,  which  might,  were  all  the  facts  of  the  case 
revealed,  show  a  close  inter-relation.  Obviously  the  importance 
of  investigating  the  facts  and  obtaining  all  possible  information 
:!nd  statistics  cannot  be  overestimated.  The  entire  trend  of  our 
higher  education  of  women  should  be,  and  I  confidently  believe 
will  be  determined  in  large  measure  by  its  effect  upon  fecundity. 


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